The 2020 presidential election is finally over. Among the enduring stories of the election
cycle was that the pollsters again got it wrong. Specifically, in the closing week or so of the election Real Clear Politics documented polls from the Economist, Quinnipiac, NBC/Wall Street Journal, Survey USA, CNN, and Fox which predicted the national popular vote to have Joe Biden winning over Donald Trump by 10, 11, 10, 8, 12 and 8 points respectively. In reality, Biden’s final national popular vote lead over Trump was 4.4%. These errors are on top of claims that in 2016 pollsters and prediction machines such as FiveThirtyEight were wrong in not seeing that Trump would win. Up to Election Day, FiveThirtyEight gave Clinton a 72% chance of winning.
There may be a crisis in polling, but much of it has to do with a failure
to understand survey research, the employment of bad polls, and the misuse and
interpretation of them.
Remember first that polls or surveys are not meant to be predictive
tools. They are snapshots in time
regarding what a statistical sample of people think about an issue. This is one of the most fundamental errors
that analysts, the media, and the predictive machines make. When a survey is done it is predicated upon
the answers individuals give at the time
they are surveyed. They do not tell us
what they are going to think in two weeks, they do not tell us what people who are undecided are going to believe,
and they do not tell us how many
individuals are actually included in the entire population of those who
hold similar opinions or may actually vote.
All of these matters are predictive issues which polls cannot do.
Many in the media also simply do not understand statistics. When a poll says that it has a confidence level of .05 or 95% that
does not mean it is 95% certain that this poll is an accurate prediction of
what the final results will be on election day.
Many seem to think that. The confidence level refers to the fact that a
pollster believes that a poll has a 95% chance of being an accurate random sample
of the population being surveyed at that time.
Again, this is not a prediction for the future, but a statement about
the current poll, and it also recognizes that there is a 5% or one-in-twenty
chance the poll does not accurately represent the population it wants to
survey. This suggests that even a good
pollster can get it. Thus, some polls
are not valid when done, and many are consistently not reliable over time and
should simply be discounted or ignored.
Polls also vary in terms of what is called their margin of error. The margin of error reflects the size and composition of the sample
done. Surveys might report margins of
error of plus or minus two, three, four, or more points. The smaller the margin of error generally the
better. A poll saying Biden is leading
Trump by seven percentage points, plus or minus a margin or error of three
points, means the lead could be four or 10 points. In tight elections, especially at the state
level where presidents are selected due to the electoral college, leads of one
or two point points with margins of error of three points are still technically
correct even if the predicted winner loses.
Traditionally surveys used confidence intervals to assess these margins
or error but increasingly some are using what are called Bayesian Credibility
Levels. They are not the same thing.
Credibility Levels are used in
non-random samples and assess the probability that a sample reflects
a pollster’s predetermined sample composition. The use of non-random samples and Bayesian
Credibility Levels opens up new sources of bias and inaccuracy in polls. This might include mis-estimating some
voters, such as non-college-educated males whose turnout was greater than these
surveys assumed in the last two presidential election cycles. Phrased another
way, confidence levels assess the probability that a sample is representative
of the real population. Credibility
level assesses the probability the survey sample matches a pollster’s predetermined belief of what it
should look like. The American Association for Public
Opinion Research has
cautioned against this increasingly popular survey methodology, perhaps for
good reasons.
Remember also that national polls for presidential elections are
effectively meaningless. We do not elect
presidents with a national popular vote but with the electoral college
that makes it 50 separate state
contests. In the critical swing states
of 2020 such as Georgia, Michigan, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin, polls there
predicted close races and once all the votes came in—not just those on election
day and reported that night—polls in those states were accurate and the final
results came within the accepted margin
of error. Everyone seems to have
forgotten this.
There are also other problems with polls that predict voting. One needs to think about the questions asked,
assumptions about who will show up to
vote, how many are undecided and when and if they will make up their mind. Finally, yes in a world where no one picks up
their phone anymore it is hard to do
samples, but if one is willing to spend the time and money and increase sample
sizes, one can still get accurate polls.
The issue is willingness to commit the effort to doing it right.
Given the above and recognizing that polls are not predictive tools, we
can see the fundamental flaws with tools such as FiveThirtyEight. They take a collection of all polls—good and
bad—average them, and then makes a statistical prediction of what is likely to
happen in an election. Phrased
otherwise, they take instruments not meant for prediction and which already
have statistical assumptions in them which might not be accurate, and then use
them to make statistical predictions for a future event. All this is highly questionable. Then analysts still ignore the fact that a
prediction machine that says it is 70% likely something will happen means, even
by its own estimate, a 30% chance of being wrong. Error compounds error, statistical
assumptions multiple upon themselves, and a failure to understand statistics
yields the belief that the polls simply have it wrong.
Polling is an exercise based on probability and chance. It is not a perfect predictive tool that can
foresee the future in a clairvoyant way. If
viewed in this light we find the crisis in polling and predictive
machines is less about traditional polling and more about their misuse and
abuse.
Excellent work as usual. Polls are just a snapshot of now. Inferring from them is speculation often falsely using a horse race analogy to capture public interest. Lack of interest in statistics is endemic and probably an educational failure.
ReplyDelete