The latest battle line for LGBTQ rights in Minnesota is over wedding pictures and movies and it is
being fought between Telescope Media Group and the State Human Rights Department Telescope is a business claiming a First Amendment free speech or free exercise of religion in its refusal to serve same-sex couples. Telescope should lose because no business has a First Amendment right to discriminate against individuals. Freedom of speech and religion grant you as an individual a right to believe what you want, but it does not give a business a right to discriminate.
Recently owners of the Telescope Media Group did an op-ed in the Star Tribune telling their story as a Christian-based business wanting to tell stories about traditional marriages between one man and one woman. They claim that the Human Rights Department is forcing them to also promote same-sex marriages, drawing an analogy to a government which would have told Alfred Hitchcock to make musicals and not suspense stories. This analogy is inapt. But to understand why, one needs to be clear about the structure of the First Amendment and civil rights law.
First remember that the First Amendment originally applied and only limited the federal government but over time it too now limits state and local governments. What does this mean? The First Amendment is a limit on the government–the government may not abridge or limit freedom of speech or religion. Private individuals and businesses are free to do what they want. If you choose in your private life–as too many people do–to only associate with those who think the same way as you or who hold the same beliefs as you–that is your right. No government in the US can tell you who you can invite to your house or tell what books to read or websites to visit. Conversely, private businesses can do what they want. The First Amendment does not apply to Facebook, a private business. It can censor whatever it wants and it is free to do so because it is a private business and the government cannot tell it what content to carry. In addition, your private employer can fire you because it does not endorse or support your political views. Private schools and colleges can impose speech codes. Overall, we are free to think or believe what we want, including in our artistic expression, and private entities have a similar right.
Second, until the passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act private businesses were allowed to discriminate in whom they employed or served. Yes the Fourteenth Amendment Equal Protection clause prohibited discrimination, but again it only applied to the government. The 1964 Civil Rights Act made it illegal for businesses engaged in interstate commerce (the term actually used is “public accommodations” to discriminate in their employment and customer service policies. The Act was upheld as constitutional by the US Supreme Court and its constitutionality validity is not in doubt.
Yet the 1964 Civil Rights Act has three important exemptions for our purposes here. First, there is an artistic exemption. By that, the law says that if in filming a movie about racial discrimination it wanted to employ white only actors it could do so. This is among a category of exemptions known as a bonifide occupational requirement. Second, and closely related to BFOQs, religious organizations receive an exemption too on some matters. By that, the Catholic Church is allowed to stipulate that in the hiring of a priest he must be Roman Catholic and, for good or bad, he must be a he. You cannot sue the Church for gender discrimination for refusing to hire a female priest. Third, the original 1964 Act covers sex discrimination but not discrimination based on sexual preference or identity. To this day the Act still does not cover this type of discrimination, even though the Minnesota Human Rights Act does prohibit this type of discrimination.
The Supreme Court’s 2015 Obergefell v. Hodges decision legalizing same-sex marriage addressed one form of discrimination which involved government action but it did not address other issues of civil rights involving businesses. Absent state laws otherwise prohibiting it, federal law still does not make it illegal to discriminate against members of the LGBTQ community in areas of housing, employment, or customer service. Soon after Obergefell one saw a rash of “wedding cake” controversies, businesses claiming a religious exemption from having to bake wedding cakes for same-sex couples. It also encouraged states like North Carolina to pass bathroom laws targeted against transgender individuals. Telescope Media’s case is a variant of these cases, except adding to it an apparent artistic creativity or perhaps freedom of association claim. There are several flaws legally and even ethically with this claim.
Back in the 1980s the Minnesota Jaycees wanted to admit women to their organization in defiance of the national Jaycees which opposed it. The State of Minnesota sided with the Minnesota chapter, invoking the State Human Rights Amendment which banned se discrimination. The national Jaycees argued that forcing them to accept women would violate their right to freedom of association and expression. In Roberts v. United States Jaycees, 468 U.S. 609 (1984), the Supreme Court rejected that claim and upheld the Minnesota Human Rights Law. This case alone ought to settle the dispute here, but for Boy Scouts of America et al. v. Dale, 530 U.S. 640 (2000). In Dale a closely divided Supreme Court permitted the Scouts to ban gays from their organization by arguing that the Scouts had a protected expressive message against homosexuality that was core to the identity of their organization and that to then allow for a gay scout master would force it to endorse a message it did not support. The logic of Dale is what is also behind Hobby Lobby and its refusal to provide birth control coverage to women, and it is a similar logic behind Telescope Media’s arguments.
Some careful distinctions must be made. There is a difference between artistic expression and conducting a business that serves the public. Telescope Media is trying to hide its discrimination behind the former. If it wants to make bigoted anti-same sex marriage movies it may do so. No one can or should tell them they have to do that. But if they are operating a business they do not have a right to refuse to serve someone based on their gender preference or orientation. Allowing a private business to invoke religious or artistic expression as an exemption to anti-discrimination law is not about being politically correct, it is about promoting a fair and just society. It is creating a level playing field for all. Telescope Media’s arguments taken to their logical terminus allows them a free pass to discriminate against serving mixed racial or mixed religious couples (Perhaps in their view Jesus would have opposed a Catholic marrying a Jew).
Moreover, reliance on Dale is not good. First, Dale is a much disputed legal precedent that some equate to the same anti-gay animus found in the 1986 Bowers v Hardwick decision which declared consensual adult same-sex sexual activity as not protected under a right to privacy. That decision was repudiated and overtured in the 2003 Lawrence v. Texas. Additionally, Dale seemed to blur the line between religious (churches or temples) and non-church entities. Many already think that religious organizations are given too much freedom to discriminate in ways that violate the Establishment Clause. Allowing Telescope Media to prevail opens up a bad precedent in simply letting any business to invoke a religious claim as a way around anti-discrimination law. This is what the flaw in the Hobby Lobby decision was, and the viability of that precedent too is questionable.
The concern of course in a political and legal world defined by a Trump presidency Telescope Media might prevail. It could but should not. The current anti-discrimination law is well grounded and would not be easily dismantled or overturned. But the fact that this is even entertained is a product an era that the Trump presidency may be ushering in. One where equal protection under the law are viewed is as political correctness and not as w hat is demanded in a society that respects fairness, justice, and civility. People legitimately voted for Trump for many reasons that should be respected. But what one hopes is that it was not an endorsement for a return to bigoted behavior where people felt like they can say the must hurtful things they wanted to one another, or that businesses can hide their prejudice by invoking claims of artistic or religious expression.
Showing posts with label Obergefell v Hodges. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Obergefell v Hodges. Show all posts
Saturday, December 10, 2016
Tuesday, September 22, 2015
The next battle for LGBT rights in Minnesota
Note: This blog also appeared in Politics in Minnesota on September 21, 2015.
Kim Davis’s Kentucky grandstanding is not the last word when it comes to same-sex marriage.
While the issue of whether same-sex couples can marry is constitutionally over, looming on the horizon, including in Minnesota, are other battles regarding discrimination against lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender individuals including questions about employment, public accommodation, and housing discrimination. What will be fascinating to watch is how the Minnesota Human Rights Act could be deployed in this next stage of the fight over the legal protections for same-sex couples.
First, consider what the U.S. Supreme Court actually ruled in Obergefell v. Hodges. The court held that state laws that banned same-sex marriage either by refusing to perform them or recognize their validity when performed in another state violated the Fourteenth Amendment’s Due Process clause.
Writing for the court, Supreme Court Justice Anthony Kennedy indicated that marriage is a fundamental right that had long been held to be protected for opposite-sex couples. In his opinion he gave several reasons for why this right should also apply to same-sex couples, or at least not be denied to them. While the opinion suggested some basis in the Equal Protection Clause, the core was a due process argument because it was arbitrary and capricious to recognize opposite-sex but not same-sex marriages. At no point did the court declare that members of the LGBT community or opposite sex couples were “suspect” classes in the way that people of color were, or that laws targeting these individuals deserved some form of heightened legal scrutiny.
Although the Obergefell decision is a victory for same-sex marriage, it fell far short of being a decision that was a comprehensive civil rights victory. By not grounding the decision firmly in the Equal Protection Clause, it left open issues about discrimination and possible religious defenses.
Specifically, could a person invoke religious objections in refusing to employ someone who is a member of the LGBT community or is in a same-sex marriage or relationship? Could a business establishment refuse to serve such individuals? Could a landlord refuse to rent to such individuals? None of this was answered by Obergefell.
The Kim Davis matter was easy – she was a public official sworn to uphold the Constitution and her duty was to perform marriages. Refusal to do this was illegal and the federal judge and Kentucky were more than accommodating to her. But rooting out state discrimination is different from private discrimination, and this is the next battle.
The 1964 Civil Rights Act along with the Fair Housing Act of 1968 addressed many of these issues across the nation. The former makes it illegal for private parties to refuse to hire, promote, or serve individuals based on their race, color, religion, and sex, among other reasons. The Fair Housing Act bans the discrimination against the same group of people when it comes to leasing of apartments and mortgage financing, but it also extends the protection to family status. Not included in either act is discrimination against same-sex couples and members of the LGBT community.
Despite Obergefell, left open is the question of whether private Minnesota businesses or private landlords could refuse to hire, serve or lease or sell apartments, condos, or homes to same-sex couples, whether married or not. Enter the Minnesota Human Rights Act.
The act (Minnesota Statutes 363A.02) makes it illegal in employment, housing and real property, public accommodations, public services, and education to discriminate because of race, color, creed, religion, national origin, sex, marital status, disability, status with regard to public assistance, sexual orientation, and age.
The MHRA declares as public policy that the state should be free from discrimination because “it threatens the rights and privileges of the inhabitants of this state and menaces the institutions and foundations of democracy.” This act is potentially a powerful piece of legislation yet its legacy has been underwhelming at best, and its usefulness against sexual orientation discrimination effectively null. For reasons that remain perplexing it was not invoked to challenge any LGBT discrimination in Minnesota, or at least there are no cases of notable record when it comes to its use.
In addition, the Minnesota courts have not done a very good job using the act to combat marital status discrimination. For example, in State v. French, 460 N.W.2d 2 (Minn. 1990), the Minnesota Supreme Court ruled that the act did not protect an unmarried opposite-sex couple when private landlords refused to rent to them based on their religious views.
While an administrative law judge ruled that the refusal to rent to them was discrimination based on marital status, the court indicated that the MHRA did not intend to protect unmarried couples from housing discrimination on the basis of marital status. Moreover, the court also pointed to the protection of religion (conscience) in the Minnesota Constitution (Article I, Section 16) as well as the anti-fornication law (for unmarried couples), which was still on the books at the time, as the basis for its decision.
In effect, landlords could invoke religious objections and a state law banning sex among unmarried individuals as a defense to why they did not have to rent to an unmarried opposite sex couple, even if the MHRA had intended to bar discrimination based on marital status (which it did not).
French is a strange decision, serving as a potential impediment when it comes to LGBT and same-sex discrimination issues looming. Yes, the state anti-fornication statute is gone, but how does one deal with the state constitutional protection for religious conscience, where the Minnesota Supreme Court has said that this clause gives more protection for religious liberty than the First Amendment, and the French claim that MHRA does not protect unmarried couples? Interesting questions abound.
Assume a landlord on religious grounds refuses to rent to a same-sex married couple. Will the Minnesota Supreme Court use the MHRA to force the landlord to rent to them by arguing it is discrimination based on marital status or sexual orientation? Or, will the court side with the landlord by arguing it is religious discrimination or a violation of the Minnesota Constitution?
Similar questions could be asked about employers who refuse to hire or serve individuals in same-sex marriages. Would the court say there is no indication that the Legislature meant to protect same-sex couples when it banned marital status discrimination in the MHRA? All of these are possible arguments and outcomes.
It is only a matter of time before these issues are litigated. They are the next step in the battle to end discrimination against members of the LGBT community. It will be interesting to see how the Minnesota courts handle these questions.
Kim Davis’s Kentucky grandstanding is not the last word when it comes to same-sex marriage.
While the issue of whether same-sex couples can marry is constitutionally over, looming on the horizon, including in Minnesota, are other battles regarding discrimination against lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender individuals including questions about employment, public accommodation, and housing discrimination. What will be fascinating to watch is how the Minnesota Human Rights Act could be deployed in this next stage of the fight over the legal protections for same-sex couples.
First, consider what the U.S. Supreme Court actually ruled in Obergefell v. Hodges. The court held that state laws that banned same-sex marriage either by refusing to perform them or recognize their validity when performed in another state violated the Fourteenth Amendment’s Due Process clause.
Writing for the court, Supreme Court Justice Anthony Kennedy indicated that marriage is a fundamental right that had long been held to be protected for opposite-sex couples. In his opinion he gave several reasons for why this right should also apply to same-sex couples, or at least not be denied to them. While the opinion suggested some basis in the Equal Protection Clause, the core was a due process argument because it was arbitrary and capricious to recognize opposite-sex but not same-sex marriages. At no point did the court declare that members of the LGBT community or opposite sex couples were “suspect” classes in the way that people of color were, or that laws targeting these individuals deserved some form of heightened legal scrutiny.
Although the Obergefell decision is a victory for same-sex marriage, it fell far short of being a decision that was a comprehensive civil rights victory. By not grounding the decision firmly in the Equal Protection Clause, it left open issues about discrimination and possible religious defenses.
Specifically, could a person invoke religious objections in refusing to employ someone who is a member of the LGBT community or is in a same-sex marriage or relationship? Could a business establishment refuse to serve such individuals? Could a landlord refuse to rent to such individuals? None of this was answered by Obergefell.
The Kim Davis matter was easy – she was a public official sworn to uphold the Constitution and her duty was to perform marriages. Refusal to do this was illegal and the federal judge and Kentucky were more than accommodating to her. But rooting out state discrimination is different from private discrimination, and this is the next battle.
The 1964 Civil Rights Act along with the Fair Housing Act of 1968 addressed many of these issues across the nation. The former makes it illegal for private parties to refuse to hire, promote, or serve individuals based on their race, color, religion, and sex, among other reasons. The Fair Housing Act bans the discrimination against the same group of people when it comes to leasing of apartments and mortgage financing, but it also extends the protection to family status. Not included in either act is discrimination against same-sex couples and members of the LGBT community.
Despite Obergefell, left open is the question of whether private Minnesota businesses or private landlords could refuse to hire, serve or lease or sell apartments, condos, or homes to same-sex couples, whether married or not. Enter the Minnesota Human Rights Act.
The act (Minnesota Statutes 363A.02) makes it illegal in employment, housing and real property, public accommodations, public services, and education to discriminate because of race, color, creed, religion, national origin, sex, marital status, disability, status with regard to public assistance, sexual orientation, and age.
The MHRA declares as public policy that the state should be free from discrimination because “it threatens the rights and privileges of the inhabitants of this state and menaces the institutions and foundations of democracy.” This act is potentially a powerful piece of legislation yet its legacy has been underwhelming at best, and its usefulness against sexual orientation discrimination effectively null. For reasons that remain perplexing it was not invoked to challenge any LGBT discrimination in Minnesota, or at least there are no cases of notable record when it comes to its use.
In addition, the Minnesota courts have not done a very good job using the act to combat marital status discrimination. For example, in State v. French, 460 N.W.2d 2 (Minn. 1990), the Minnesota Supreme Court ruled that the act did not protect an unmarried opposite-sex couple when private landlords refused to rent to them based on their religious views.
While an administrative law judge ruled that the refusal to rent to them was discrimination based on marital status, the court indicated that the MHRA did not intend to protect unmarried couples from housing discrimination on the basis of marital status. Moreover, the court also pointed to the protection of religion (conscience) in the Minnesota Constitution (Article I, Section 16) as well as the anti-fornication law (for unmarried couples), which was still on the books at the time, as the basis for its decision.
In effect, landlords could invoke religious objections and a state law banning sex among unmarried individuals as a defense to why they did not have to rent to an unmarried opposite sex couple, even if the MHRA had intended to bar discrimination based on marital status (which it did not).
French is a strange decision, serving as a potential impediment when it comes to LGBT and same-sex discrimination issues looming. Yes, the state anti-fornication statute is gone, but how does one deal with the state constitutional protection for religious conscience, where the Minnesota Supreme Court has said that this clause gives more protection for religious liberty than the First Amendment, and the French claim that MHRA does not protect unmarried couples? Interesting questions abound.
Assume a landlord on religious grounds refuses to rent to a same-sex married couple. Will the Minnesota Supreme Court use the MHRA to force the landlord to rent to them by arguing it is discrimination based on marital status or sexual orientation? Or, will the court side with the landlord by arguing it is religious discrimination or a violation of the Minnesota Constitution?
Similar questions could be asked about employers who refuse to hire or serve individuals in same-sex marriages. Would the court say there is no indication that the Legislature meant to protect same-sex couples when it banned marital status discrimination in the MHRA? All of these are possible arguments and outcomes.
It is only a matter of time before these issues are litigated. They are the next step in the battle to end discrimination against members of the LGBT community. It will be interesting to see how the Minnesota courts handle these questions.
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