Showing posts with label sequestration. Show all posts
Showing posts with label sequestration. Show all posts

Monday, April 15, 2013

Liberalism in Retreat--The Conservatism of Barack Obama



It may very well be that the legacy of Barack Obama is that he will destroy whatever is left of the liberalism of the Democratic Party.  At least this is the conclusion one can reach given his recent budget proposals and his continued advocacy for the use of drone warfare.  In so many ways, Obama looks even more conservative than his adversaries on the right.

By now it is common place to assert that the Democrats are the party of liberalism.  It is the party of FDR and JFK, of the New Deal and the Great Society, civil rights and taxes, abortion and gay rights, for the rights of the accused and against guns. This is the party that first Richard Nixon and then Ronald Reagan stereotyped and successfully ran against.  These two elections resulted in what was once thought to be a political realignment in American politics as Reagan Democrats and the once solid south moved into the column of the Republican Party. It was barely a generation ago that  critics hailed the demise of the Democrats as too liberal.  Between 1968 and 1988 Democrats won only one presidential contest, they lost control of the Senate in 1980, and they looked doomed.  Throw in the 1994 congressional losses and then again the beatings they took in 2002 and one could  have put RIP next to the Democratic Party.

But along came Bill Clinton.  He along with the Democratic Leadership Council contended that the party had become too liberal and it needed to move to the center.  And it did.  Clinton was a pro-death penalty president who signed DOMA, Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell, welfare reform, and limits on habeas corpus for prisoners.  He dramatically moved the Democrats to the center, as the story goes, and the result was that his party again became more electable.

But politics is not static.  While Democrats moved to the right, the Republicans shifted even further.  First with Bush and then with the TEA Party.  The center of American political gravity on many issues moved rightward.  And so has Barack Obama.

Initially though, Obama had everyone convinced that he was a liberal.  Maybe it was his race, or his appeal to a new generation of voters.  But back in 2008 many thought of him as the liberal candidate in the race, at least compared to Senator Clinton.  But compared to John Edwards and Dennis Kucinich he was a moderate.  That juxtaposition probably helped him in the battle for the Democratic Party nomination, but also his rhetoric at times sound progressive, especially when he talked of health care reform, gay rights, or the rights of workers.  His rhetoric sounded progressive, at least in comparison to the Bush era values as he spoke of closing Gitmo and ending the war in Iraq.  Even his 2009 inaugural speech trumpeted a liberal theme, but sadly the gap between rhetoric and reality grew.

Obama did call for major expansion of health care reform but he rejected calls for the more liberal single payer system that Senator Ted Kennedy and other liberals wanted.  He opted for the Republican solution–Romneycare–the Massachusetts model that the GOP and his 2012 presidential opponent once embraced.  Yes Obama also did end the war in Iraq but he also promised to commit  more troops to Afghanistan–transforming Bush’s war to his.  Additionally, Obama turned his back on many of his supporters.  He never supported the Employee Free Choice Act, a reform sought by labor unions to update the Wagner Act, he did not push for repeal of “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell until  halfway through his first term, only getting it by capitulating on an extension of the Bush era tax cuts.  His health care reforms capitulated on abortion and reproductive freedoms for women, and he has never really pushed hard on global warming and the environment.  Finally, Obama continued  the Bush era initiatives to bail out the banks but not the home owners and Dodd-Frank, the major financial reform legislation, hardly will change banking behavior and discourage them from more risking lending in future.

One cannot deny that Obama has accomplished a lot and he deserves praise for all of that.  He has faced a hostile Congress, but do not forget that for the first two years he had significant Democratic majorities.  But with those majorities he has infuriated many in his party but a horrible set of negotiating skills.  He seems to give in, not negotiate.

But now there is a second term.  He began his quest by saying he had evolved on gay marriage.  He now supported it–an act of bravery when public opinion had already shifted.  He says he opposes the Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA) and his administration argued against its constitutionality before the Supreme Court, but his administration still enforces the law, prompting Chief Justice Roberts to exclaim that the President should have the courage of his convictions not to enforce the law if he thinks it is unconstitutional.

Obama’s second inaugural and his 2013 State of the Union speeches again sounded liberal.  He hit the themes of gay rights, guns, the environment, and economic justice.  Yet once again the gap between rhetoric and performance is wide.  Obama ended 2012 by securing tax hikes on the top earners and preserving it for the rest.  Yet he let the payroll tax expire, resulting in more of us paying more overall taxes now than before.

Obama continues to pursue economic policies that sound more conservative than liberal. His budget proposals to cut Social Security and Medicare give him little room to negotiate with Republicans.  Given his starting position, all he can do is move further to the right.  Sequestration was partially Obama’s idea and the percentage of government spending going to discretionary programs is lower now than it has been in a generation.  Obama has embraced austerity and deficit reduction as goals, again ideas favored by Republicans.  When push comes to shove, don’t be surprised if Obama endorses the Keystone Pipeline as an important jobs initiative for his administration.

But alas, there may even be one place where Republicans are to the left of Obama–drone warfare.  In a legal analysis as tortured as the memos drafted by the Bush administration, the Obama administration has endorsed presidential power to use drones in warfare, even up to the point of killing American citizens outside the United States.  Such brazen disregard for both domestic and international law must bring a smile to a Dick Cheney (who embraced gay marriage well before Obama).

How anyone can conclude that Obama is a liberal is beyond comprehension.  Nixon was more liberal, as was Eisenhower.  Obama’s liberal legacy is gone and now the question becomes how much of liberalism will he give away in his remaining second term.

Sunday, April 7, 2013

America's Paradoxical Economy

    The economic situation and choices for America are not terrific.  This is clearly the case after the April 2013 unemployment  report indicated only 88,000 new jobs generated last month, coupled with nearly 500,000 individuals leaving the job market.  But the jobs’ numbers only point to one part of the overall American economic paradox.
    One the one hand the stock market is at a record high along with many companies showing record profits.  This should be good news for the economy but not necessarily.  First, the record profits are coming at a time of high unemployment.  Companies are making products or delivering goods and services but they are not hiring workers.  The profits are coming via increased productivity through automation or via flat wages that can be maintained as a result of high unemployment.  In short, companies have failed to hire workers because they are being replaced by machines as in manufacturing, or simply they do not need to increase wages because high unemployment is not pressuring wages up.  Couple that with weak unions and there is no real pressure to increase wages.
    The consequences of a flat labor market mean that there is insufficient consumer demand for significantly more goods and services.  Couple that with still high consumer debt (along with student loan debt) and there are structural limits to how much consumer demand can drive the economy out of a recession.
    Now consider data demonstrating that the economic growth is weak.  The GDP is not expected to grow much in the coming year and the best evidence is that the sequestration will perhaps take approximately .05 off annual GDP growth that is essentially not expected to grow more than about 1-2% this year.  Sequestration will also lead to government layoffs and add to the unemployment program.  What we have here is an economic austerity program similar to Europe that is not a recipe for economic growth.
    Now think about one potential bright spot for the economy–the housing market.  The real estate market appears back with stronger demand and increased prices.  Yet here too there is a problem.  The growth in part is stimulated by record low interest rates that appear to be overheating the market.  There is no question that it is a great time to borrow for housing and there are indications that the low interest rates are encouraging speculative building.  None of this is really good.  Why?  We really do need to increase interest rates to cool down the market otherwise we are headed for another bubble.  The low interest rates fueled the last real estate bubble that burst in 2008.  Moreover, we have done very little since 2008 to reform the real estate and housing markets.   Dodd-Frank, the financial reform law, has done little to change behavior here.
    But if one increases interest rates at the Federal Reserve Board to cool off the housing market then that rate increase could very well hurt the rest of the economy.  Cutting back on economic demand while raising interest rates is a terrific way to throw the economy into a recession.
    Now consider that sequestration is already cutting back on the safety net for the poor and unemployed.  Obama is now talking about agreeing to further cuts in government spending for Social Security and other similar programs.  These cuts too will hurt the most vulnerable and also damage the economy in the sense of cutting back on money that money to consume.
    Finally, think of all those individuals who have left the job market.  They cannot find jobs, perhaps lack the training to find new ones, face job discrimination, and often lack the resources or capacity to borrow for retraining.  We have in these individuals significant underutilization of their skills and talents–letting them go to waste.
    In sum, we have a tremendously paradoxical economy.  It is both overheated and underperforming at the same time.  Tools to fix one part of it may damage the other.  There is no question we need to develop and grow the economy but at the same time we need to attend to the redistributional aspects of an economy that is the most skewed in terms of wealth and income in many generations.  Policies are needed to grow the economy, cool the growing housing bubble, train workers for reemployment, and relieve many from the continued high consumer and other debt that they hold.

Saturday, February 16, 2013

The Economic Case for Gay Marriage (and two dumb ideas)



Politics and economics are interconnected.  We saw that in the State of the Union speech the other night where the president hung his second term political fortunes on helping the middle class.  He offered a set of ideas surely opposed by the GOP but potentially popular with the voters, hoping that the Republicans will vote them down or not vote on them, lending political fodder and ammunition to the Democrats in 2014.

But Obama’s speech is also a great occasion to discuss some economic issues, seeking to separate fact from fiction.


The Economic Case for Gay Marriage
Legalizing gay marriage in Minnesota and across the country is ethically correct thing to do.  Whatever religious reasons those opposed to same-sex marriage have, their preferences should not preempt or be binding upon those who wish to marry.  The case for gay marriage is not different than the case for mixed-race marriages 50 years ago.  Back then religion often reinforced racism (“God did not intend Blacks and whites to marry.”)   The same is true today.

But there is also an economic argument supporting gay marriage in Minnesota.  Were Minnesota  to legalize gay marriage the economy would benefit both in direct and indirect ways.

Directly, several studies have demonstrated that legalizing gay marriage reaps immediate economic benefits to a community.  Studies regarding legalization of gay marriage in Massachusetts by the Williams Institute, New York by CNN, and Tasmania, Australia point to the economic benefits of legalizing same-sex marriage.  Such legalization leads to more tourism by same-sex couples and couples spending money on weddings.  According to the UCLA Williams Institute in a study looking at the economic benefits of legalizing same-sex marriage in Maine, Washington, and Maryland may generate more than $166 million over the next three years.

But indirectly, legalizing same-sex marriage will also benefit communities.  Richard Florida’s highly influential The Rise of the Creative Class documents the importance and relationship between cultural amenities and support for gay-friendly policies and economic development in a community.  Support for gay-friendly policies highly correlates with the most economically successful communities across the United States.  Additionally, as many business leaders know (as evidenced by the CEO of General Mills speaking out against the Marriage Amendment in Minnesota last year), a new generation of employees exists that look to support for gay rights as an important factor in considering where to live and work.  The majority of these individuals are highly educated and skilled.  Supporting gay rights and marriage is an important key to attracting this new generation of workers and with that, employers who wish to locate to take advantage of these skilled workers.  Thus, supporting gay marriage is a smart jobs and economic development initiative that Minnesota should consider.

Why is making the economic case for gay-marriage important?  First, it might move some Republicans and Democrats to support it if they can use as a cover that it is good for the economy.  Second, if one can document the economic consequences of discriminating against GLBT then that gives Congress the ability under the Commerce class to take action.  Ordinarily the issue of marriage is a state issue and a matter beyond the authority of Congress to address. However, demonstrate how GLBT discrimination affects interstate commerce then Congress can act.  In 1964 the Civil rights Act was justified and upheld as a valid at of Congress based on finding of fact demonstrating that  racism impeded and affected interstate commerce.   Bottom line-think about gay marriage as a bottom line issue.

Tax-Dodging Millionaires: The New Welfare Queen
Remember the welfare queen of the Reagan era?  In a 1976 speech Ronald Reagan referred to a woman in Chicago on public assistance:  “She has eighty names, thirty addresses, twelve Social Security cards and is collecting veteran's benefits on four non-existing deceased husbands. And she is collecting Social Security on her cards. She's got Medicaid getting food stamps, and she is collecting welfare under each of her names. Her tax-free cash income is over $150,000”  This welfare queen was a glaring indictment of all that was wrong with government and of those lazy individuals—mostly women—who were simply squeezing out more and more children in an effort to avoid work and stay on government assistance.   She was also the impetus of major policy reform to lower benefits and kick needy people off of public assistance.  However, she did not exist.

Largely the welfare queen was a myth as I point out in my new book.  But myths die hard.  The newest myth is the tax-dodging millionaire.  He is the rich guy who migrates from one state or country to another in search of a lower tax rate.  He is the bogeyman trotted out by opponents of higher taxes–individual or corporate–and used to argue that if taxes are increased rich people will leave and head elsewhere to a low tax area.  Gerard Depardieu in France and Phil Michelson in California are trotted out to prove this point.

Yet while a few individuals may migrate if taxes are increased, the tax-feeling millionaire is largely a myth.  James Stewart’s most recent column in the New York Times reviews several studies demolishing this myth.  This should be no surprise.  We already know that taxes are a relatively minor factor affecting business location and investment decisions (again see my American Politics in the Age of Ignorance).    Additionally, many years ago in two articles of mine examining tax commuters I found little evidence that tax rates across states affect employment migration patterns ( See:  “State Taxation of Interstate Commuters:  Constitutional Doctrine in Search of Empirical Analysis,”16 Touro Law Review, 435 (2000) ; “State Tax Commuters:  Classifications and Estimates,” 15 State Tax Notes, 355 (1998)).  Many factors, and not simply tax rates, affect where the affluent live.  Factors such as health care, cultural amenities, weather, friends, and family all dictate residential choices.  Taxes are only one part of the mix in making decisions about where to live. 

Minor changes in tax rates are not going to produce any mass exodus from a state.  Conversely, simply lowering taxes is not going to result in much immigration either.

Sequestration and the Economy
Europe is sinking back into a recession and the go global economy is weak.  One cause of that weakness has been a wrong-headed economic policy favoring austerity over economic growth.  Great  Britain and other economies have prematurely cut government spending, with the result being a serious damage to economic demand for goods and services.  Austerity has not produced prosperity.

It would be nice if the United States learned this lesson.  Yet it appears the Congress is ready to allow for sequestration to occur.  The stupid budget deal of 2011 that was supposed to scare Congress and the president to reach a new deal included a call for government spending cuts so awful is about to occur.  The cuts will be nearly a trillion dollars, triggering according to many estimates, the loss of hundreds of thousands of jobs across the United States.  The American economy is barely growing, sequestration may well throw the US into another recession.

But even if sequestration is avoided, Obama has effectively endorsed a Herbert Hooverism austerity  program.  He wants to cut government spending as a way to deal with the deficit.  Deficits do matter but the primary goals still should be to reduce unemployment and grow the economy.  Those twin objectives will generate additional tax revenues to help reduce the deficit.  Spending cuts simply create a downward spiral of economic decline and will fail to revitalize the economy.