My latest blog is from Minnpost Community Voices, March 2, 2023.
Should the Minnesota DFL fear the
electoral reaper? Probably not
Trends suggest that unless the Republicans change their
policy positions they are unlikely to be an electoral recipient of voter
backlash of DFL policies in 2024 or in the near future.
By David Schultz
The
Minnesota DFL has a state government trifecta with control of both legislative
chambers and the governorship for the first time in a decade. They are moving
one of the most progressive agendas in the nation. Some contend they are overreaching and
will pay the political price come 2024. Is that true? The numbers suggest
no.
Minnesota
is one of 39 states with a one-party legislative trifecta. Of those, 22
are Republican and 17 are Democrat. Across these 39 states, single party
control means winner-take-all politics where because of
pronounced political polarization, the governing party moves its agenda without
real support from the other party.
Minnesota
is one of those states. In just a few weeks the DFL has codified abortion
rights, adopted anti-discrimination legislation, adopted renewable energy
legislation, granted ex-felons voting rights and permitted undocumented
individuals to secure driver’s licenses. And we have not even gotten to
how they plan on spending the $18 billion surplus on not simply one time
programs (of which much of the money represents), but on structural items such
as education and rent subsidies that have long term fiscal
commitments. “Go big and then go home” seems to be the motto.
Yet
some argue the DFL is overreaching.
Their
abortion bill goes beyond what Minnesota public opinion seems to support
according to critics. Licenses for the undocumented goes too far, and perhaps
legalization of recreational marijuana is not a high priority for
suburbanites who want the DFL to address crime and public safety
issues. These bills along with others portend overreach with voter
pushback in 2024.
But
don’t count on the backlash. It may never happen.
Whether
the DFL agenda makes good public policy is not the subject of this commentary. What
is the subject is whether the Minnesota Republicans pose a viable challenge to
the DFL in 2024 in the nine or so suburban House seats that will determine
control of that chamber.
Consider
first that the DFL may simply say that moving and securing their agenda while
they have the chance is a once in a generation opportunity. What
they are moving in many cases is structural legislation that will be hard to undo
in the future. Once many of these laws are in place there is no real viable way
to unwind them. Moreover, the DFL is responding to their constituents and
if elections mean anything it is translating voter preferences into public
policy.
Additionally,
only the House is up for election in 2024. Barring unforeseen
circumstances, the DFL will still hold the Senate and governorship until 2026
even if they lose the House. There is no serious chance of repeal in the
near future. Moreover it will be a presidential election year where
turnout will favor Democrats. If Trump were to get the party nomination again –
a real possibility – he will hurt the Republican chances to pick up crucial
suburban seats where he is very unpopular.
Plus,
the Republicans have a problem longer term. They have failed to win
statewide office since 2006 and have not won the presidency in Minnesota since
1972. The state GOP party is in disarray and seems to have financial
difficulties. The Republican poor showing in the state is reducing the
probability that national money will flow to Minnesota, which is looking less
and less like a swing state and more like California.
And
while a lot can change, the Republicans neither have a farm team from which to
recruit a viable statewide candidate in the near future (which Republican has
any hope of beating Sen. Amy Klobuchar in 2024?) nor do they have policy
positions that seem to resonate with majorities of the Minnesotans. For
example, part of the reason the DFL moved its abortion legislation is that
Republicans, including Scott Jensen and Rep. Michelle Fischbach, 7th District,
wanted to ban it. They and Republicans were never willing to compromise on
the issue and paid the price. The same can be said on guns and perhaps other
items.
But
perhaps the most important reason why the DFL don’t fear the electoral reaper
is demographics. Demographics are not destiny and the DFL will be sadly
mistaken if they think it is. Candidates, messages, and strategy still matter.
While
in 2022, 2020, 2018 (excluding Klobuchar), and 2016 the DFL won only 12,
13, 20, and nine counties, it is winning the counties that matter. Five
counties in 2022, Dakota, Hennepin, Olmsted, Ramsey and Washington account for
nearly 46% of the registered votes and 46.5% of the actual voters. While
nearly 70% of those registered to vote cast ballots in the big five counties
and in the rest of the state, Democrats are winning these five by an
average margin of more than 25%.
Moreover,
nationally and in Minnesota rural or non-metro voters cast their ballots for
Republicans, with white working class being the core base for that
party. While short term Minnesota’s rural counties are
growing because of the pandemic and perhaps urban crime, longer term they face
a severe population decline. Nationally, white working class are in
decline as the nation diversifies, and the same is true in Minnesota. With reapportionment over
time, fewer and fewer seats will go to Republican-leaning areas, reducing even
the GOP’s regional voice and influence.
The Republican base is
literally dying off. It is gradually being replaced with voters more
likely to support the agenda and issues the DFL is supporting. Perhaps they do
not endorse it as far reaching as the DFL is pushing the policy agenda right
now. But trends suggest that unless the Republicans change their policy
positions they are unlikely to be an electoral recipient of voter backlash in
2024 or in the near future.
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