The debate over repealing the US Senate filibuster is reaching a partisan fever pitch. Democrats are
worried that after passing the $1.9 trillion stimulus legislation on a straight party-line vote by using the reconciliation bill exception they will not be able to move their agenda unless the filibuster is repealed. Republicans including Mitch McConnell vows “scorched Earth” if repealed, along with a warning that of Democrats do this they will regret it in the future. Central
to the argument for preserving the filibuster are two assertions. One is that it is needed to protect minority
rights. Two, the filibuster encourages
compromise. The reality is, neither of
these claims are true and in fact its repeal may promote both goals better than
retaining it.
The
filibuster rule is a product of slavery politics, as was true of the electoral
college. If the electoral college’s goal
was to protect the slave states from being outvoted in presidential selection
by the free states, purpose of the filibuster was to do the same. The Senate with its equal representation
already gave the South a bonus in representation. But what the filibuster did was to allow one
senator the effective ability to shut down the action of the chamber to prevent
it from passing legislation hostile to the South. John C. Calhoun, a Senator from South
Carolina in the antebellum South, used the tool effectively to block critical
legislation. But he is also famous for
his role in the nullification crisis where he asserted states had a right to
veto or nullify federal legislation. His
book A Disquisition on Government, advocated a theory of concurrent majority which
would only permit legislation to pass if all classes, interests, groups, or
states which had an interest in it supported it. Effectively, the filibuster went hand-in-hand
with his theory of government to support states’ rights and protect a slave
holding minority against majority rule.
Throughout
history the filibuster has more often than not been used to oppose legitimate
rights than support it. It was used to
oppose civil rights legislation in the 1950s and 1960s. While American liberal democracy is supposed
to protect minority rights, it is also premised on majority rule and respect
for letting the legislative process facilitate social and political change and
not inhibit it.
Arguably the filibuster might have
made sense a half century ago when American politics, parties, and studies show
Congress were less ideological and partisan than it is now. Back then the non-ideological or coalitional
nature of parties meant far less straight party line votes in Congress. But all that has changed, and Congress is far
more polarized now than before. We know
that the filibuster’s use has increased over time. Evidence over a 50-year period reveals a
hardening of partisanship in Congress The attached graph from US Senate data
details the increase use of cloture (the tool to close filibusters) over
time. It demonstrates a clear pattern of
increased use of the filibuster over time.
The filibuster has facilitated that.
One the filibuster encourages is not negotiation and compromise, but
winner-take-all politics. Its presence
allows one senator or a minority to veto legislation instead of encouraging
cooperation. If the filibuster were
repealed, dissenting senators would have more of an incentive to participate in
forming the bill as opposed to being holdout and shutting down any action.
Moreover, if the filibuster were a tool encouraging compromise, 50
years of data would not produce data demonstrating the increased use of cloture
over time. A long-term trend of
polarization should produce either no increase in its use, or alternatively its
threatened use should reveal evidence of adopted bipartisan legislation over
time. In fact, the longer trend over the
last 50 years reveals a steady decrease in the number of bills passed.
From a statistical point of view, there is a connection between the
numbers of bills passed and votes on cloture.
Correlating the two statistically, there is a strong negative -.66
relationship. This means as the use of
the filibuster has increased, the number of bills passed has decreased. This is not
proof that the use of the filibuster has caused a decrease in the number of bills passed, but
it is powerful evidence in that direction.
Thus, the filibuster does not produce compromise and it does not
encourage legislating. Instead, what it
has done is weaken Congress, making it a far less effective body than it once
was. This has produced two
phenomena. One, it has empowered by the
President and the Supreme Court. It has
done that by forcing the president to govern by executive order and bypass
Congress when it can. It has also put
the Supreme Court and the federal judiciary into a role of resolving disputes
that it should best be addressed by the political process. It thus also makes judicial confirmations far
more important than they should be.
The second problem is that the filibuster precludes the type of
negotiations that are needed to update and correct legislation. There are a litany of laws, ranging from
health care, elections, tax policy, labor relations, communications, and
infrastructure that need fixes or updates.
The filibuster permits a minority or perhaps even a special interest to
thwart needed policy change, thereby freezing innovation and necessary
legislation for the public good.
The filibuster never was good for
American democracy and it is even worse now.
The supposed reasons for its continuance are merely myths that fail to
sustain its existence, and which instead perpetuate or exacerbate political
dysfunctionalism.
I hope USAToday or someone picks up this post and re-publishes it. This is the best argument I've seen for getting rid of the filibuster yet. I agree 100% Dr. Schultz!
ReplyDeleteExcellent analysis.
ReplyDeleteThanks David...Right as usual
ReplyDelete