By now it seems inevitable if not
entirely predictable that by July this year same-sex marriage will be the law
of the land in the United States. Many
will applaud that it is now legal across America and that the battle for equality
is over. Yet for all who draw the
parallel between the battle for GLBT rights and civil rights, one can only hope
that it does not end the same way, a war half won and facing serious backlash
to this day in the South and across white America.
On Friday the Supreme Court
announced that it will review a Sixth Circuit Court of Appeals decision which
had upheld a ban a same-sex marriage. It
accepted the case because other circuits had ruled contrary, creating a split
in the law that the Supreme Court has to resolve. This is the political science-law professor
answer to why the case will be heard. The US is also a country divided, with 36
states and 70% of the population living in a world where same-sex marriage is
legal, and where there is no definitive answer to whether the Constitution
protects the right of same-sex couples to marry. Federalism may be great for many things, but
some constitutional questions demand definitive answers.
While the Supreme Court has avoided
it so far, the question before it will be whether the Constitution protects the
right of same-sex couples to marry.
Justice Kennedy will write a 5-4 opinion saying that it does (unless
Chief Justice Roberts joins in to make it 6-3 so he can control the scope of
the majority opinion), capping a career where he has written all the major
opinions (Romer, Lawrence, and Windsor) affirming GLBT rights. Four years ago at a Supreme Court continuing
legal education class I did at Reuters I predicted that Kennedy would write a
June 5-4 opinion declaring that the Constitution protects same-sex marriage,
and then he would announce his retirement.
I still think that will occur this year.
It is unlikely, contrary to what some social conservatives hope, that
the Court will declare same-sex marriage contrary to the Constitution or that
it will author any opinion invalidating same-sex marriages in any place in the
United States. Nor is it likely that the
Court will simply say that the Constitution is silent on the issue and leave it
to the states to decide.
So then what? Is the battle over? For Republicans the decision would be great.
As with immigration, letting someone else resolve a divisive issue upon which
you are on the losing side of history and which costs you votes and future
party vitality would be a blessing. Making
same-sex marriage legal across the country takes the issue off the electoral agenda. But
that is not the end of the story.
The movie Selma is a powerful reminder of how far and not this country has come
regarding civil rights for African-Americans.
The reason that movie is so powerful is not simply because of its
reenacted and reminder of the violence that occurred at the Edmund Pettus
Bridge and elsewhere in South and across the country during the 50s and 60s as
King and others fought for equality. It
is also a powerful reminder, especially in light of Michael Brown and Eric
Garner, that the struggle and the violence persists. A half a century after
Selma racial discrimination persists. It
exists in school outcomes and incarcerations.
It exists in racial profiling,
income and wealth disparities, and in general attitudes about race,
especially and still in the South.
Many have drawn parallels between
the civil rights movement for racial equality and the battle for GLBT
rights. Blacks had Selma, gays and
lesbians Stonewall in New York. Many
draw parallels in the legal strategies between Thurgood Marshall, NAACP, and
the Lamda and Human Rights campaigns. Loving v. Virginia (where the Supreme Court
struck down laws banning racially mixed marriages) is the direct precedent
invalidating bans on same-sex marriage. There are similarities, but let us hope
there are differences. Fifty years later
racism remains entrenched in America, especially in the South. It is no coincidence that the core of the
states today that oppose same-sex marriage are the same that fought Black civil
rights the hardest, and where discrimination is still ugly. These are also the states where reproductive rights
are still most fiercely opposed 40 years
after Roe v. Wade, and where workers
rights are weakest.
The point is that passage of a law
or the issuance of a Supreme Court decision does not end the battle. Despite Selma, the 1964 Civil Rights Act, and
the 1965 Voting Rights Act, much work needs to be done to bring racial equality
to America. The same will be true come
later this year when Justice Kennedy writes his 5-4 opinion. This is what we need to remember as we
celebrate Martin Luther King’s birthday.
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