Note: This blog originally appeared in Politics in Minnesota on August 28, 2014. Please consider subscribing to that publication.
Many of us
learned about government and how it works by watching “I’m Just a Bill on
Capitol Hill.” Part of the ABC School
House Rock series, it depicted the process of how a bill becomes a law in
Washington, D.C. It describes the role
of citizens, members of Congress, and the president in legislating. Yet it left out an important actor–lobbyists. In so many ways, legislating would be impossible–good or bad–without
lobbyists, and that is equally true in Minnesota.
Looking back at the 2014 Minnesota
legislative session we know what was passed or not. Among the notable highlights, the legislature
raised the minimum wage, passed anti-bullying legislation, cut taxes, passed a
massive bonding bill, enacted the Women’s Economic Security Act, adopted smartphone theft and medical marijuana laws. It also debated but did not pass the Toxic Free Kids Act, dealt with the
constitutional defects in the sex offender treatment program, or do more to
address the ailing state infrastructure.
One can catalog the what was passed
or not, but the more interesting question is the why. Why did some bills pass and others fail? One explanation offered by political scientist
David Mayhew is that it is all about the electoral connection. One can explain why legislators do what they
do by looking at whether such actions enhance their election prospects. Yes, the quest for reelection explains the
motivation for many actions, but missing from that explanation is an analysis
of the structural forces that shape election prospects and motivations when
legislating. This is where lobbyists
come in.
To a large extent legislation in
Minnesota is debated and shaped under the structural influence of lobbyists and
the associations they represent.
Depending on how you look at it, they
perform one of two roles. In the
first lobbyists and associations like to describe themselves as simply
information brokers providing valuable knowledge to legislators about bills. They additionally represent key
constituencies, insuring that legislators take them into account when
acting. The contrary role is that
lobbyists and associations pollute the legislative process. They are special interests who use personal
connections, insider relationships such as friendships, and even gifts, food,
and money, to affect the legislative process.
Both images are correct in Minnesota.
First, let’s consider some basic
numbers. There are 201 Minnesota
legislators who make a base salary of $31,140.
Because of per diem, some make more than that. There are 1,316 currently lobbyists and 1,351
associations registered in Minnesota. This means there are approximately 6.5
lobbyists and 6.7 associations per legislator in the state. During the 2014 session lobbyists spent $5,404,778 to influence the
legislative process, or $26,889 per legislator.
Lobbyist disbursements include gifts, meals, telephone, and other costs
associated with seeking to affect legislation.
This spending does not include the salaries of lobbyists. Add these
figures in and based on past trends, associations spend upwards to $40 -$50
million to affect legislation. The sheer number of lobbyists, associations, and
the amount of money they spend is enormous, eclipsing the salary and
number of legislators many times.
But not all lobbyists are
equal. This is not a level playing field
where all lobbyists and associations are of equal weight and influence. Some are more powerful than one another,
giving some a greater voice. Consider
the $50,000 club. These are the 29
lobbyists who disbursed at least $50,000 during the session. These 29 lobbyists spent $2,609,557, or
nearly 50% of what all the 1,316 lobbyists spent. These 29 lobbyists represented 103
associations. There are some lobbyists
who work for a specific organization and only represent them, such as David
Olson for the Minnesota Chamber of Commerce or Brandon Rettke for Education
Minnesota. But Ted Grindal represented
44 groups including Ebay, Microsoft, Proctor and Gamble, Mille Lacs Band of
Ojibwe Indians, DaVita, and the Boys and Girls Clus Association, and Andew
Kozak works for 25 groups that include
the Shakopee Mdewakanton Sioux (Dakota)
Community, the University of Minnesota, OPUS, the Mayo Clinic, and
AT&T. They are part of the mega-lobbyists, the ones who really are the
major players in the legislative process.
Consider the top ten spending
lobbyists and who they worked for in the 2014 session. These ten alone spent $1.28 million, or 24%
of total lobbyist disbursements.. At the
top of the list was the Minnesota Chamber of Commerce at $348,000, followed by
the Associated General Contractors of Minnesota at $110,939, and then Education
Minnesota at $110,178.
While these dollar figures tell us
something about their efforts to influence legislation, they still miss a
lot. Minnesota has some of the weakest
lobbyist reporting laws in the country according to the Center for Public
Integrity. Missing from the raw numbers
is an ability to link directly expenditures to particular bills or
legislation. There is a transparency
problem–lobbyists are not required to state whom the lobbied or what specific bills they worked on. One can presume that the Chamber of Commerce
spent a lot of money on the minimum wage and tax bills and the Education
Minnesota did the same for the anti-bullying legislation, but we cannot be
sure. It is next to impossible to
connect dollars to legislation and influence based on the what the law requires
to be reported.
But there are even more problems
here. In 2013 the legislature
strengthened the hand of lobbyists.
First, it weakened the gift ban law, again making it possible in some
circumstances for lobbyists to wine and
dine legislators. Second, they increased
the amount of money that lobbyists may contribute to candidates while
simultaneously decreasing disclosure requirements. Put simply, lobbyists can give more money and
goodies to legislators but with less transparency and accountability.
What does all this mean? Lobbyists have a major presence in the
Minnesota legislative process. They
expend significant resources to affect law making. The public has limited information to know
what they are doing. Some of the
lobbyists and the groups that they represent are far more powerful than others,
thereby creating a structural bias in terms of how legislation is debated or
whose interests are considered. The
legislative process may be stacked to favor a few interests or it simply might
be so engulfed by lobbyists, associations, and money that one wonders whether
the public interest is actually being considered when bills are debated. The 2014 legislative session then was yet
another one where one has to ask whether and how the debates on minimum wage,
taxes, and other topics were shaped by lobbyists. To know the answer to that question is really
to know how a bill becomes a law.
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