Saint Paul Mayor Melvin Carter’s veto of the City Council vote to deny the go ahead on the Alatus
housing plan at University and Lexington Avenue was wrong both legally and from a public policy perspective. In its vote City Council was acting in its quasi-judicial capacity over which the mayor has no veto authority, and in allowing this housing project to go forward the mayor enabled the already rapid gentrification of the Midway corridor to continue.The Wilder Foundation owns vacant land at the corner of Lexington and University Avenues in Saint Paul. This is property in the Midway/Rondo neighborhood, and traditionally occupied by people of color. It is also an area of concentrated poverty based on the 2040 Saint Paul Comprehensive plan. Yet is located along the central corridor of the light rail line which has rapidly gentrified in the last few years.
When the $1 billion light rail investment was made the intent was to encourage significant private investment, which it has, yet that investment has hardly benefited the neighbors. Once undervalued land has become the target of acquisition and development as traditional neighborhood business have been forced out, selling their property to developers who are turning it into business and housing for more affluent individuals, making the area from Lexington west a de facto suburb for Minneapolis. The building of the soccer stadium at University and Snelling and the housing plans for the closed shopping center there all point to a development strategy of pushing out the poor and people of color and replacing them with middle class. This is a textbook case of what gentrification means, with other studies reaching this conclusion.
The
Alatus housing is part of this plan.
Wilder Foundation, which is supposed to care about individuals of modest
means, sees a huge profit to be made in selling the land for development. The Alatus project would site housing not for
individuals with median incomes living in the area, but clearly to attract a
more middle class or affluent base. Such
housing would be consistent with other development now occurring in the area,
but it would not address the needs of the Rondo residents. It would ignore their needs and place
pressures on nearby by property to sell and eventually push gentrification further. As a result, the Frogtown Neighborhood
Association and others opposed the project, urging the Saint Paul Planning
Commission to veto it.
The
Planning Commission vote was close, but it did oppose it. The vote itself was fascinating because leading
up to it there were long vacant slots on the Commission that the Mayor had
not filled for nearly a year. When he
did do so it was close to the timing of his announcement for reelection and he
staffed it with choice DFLers, which the
Frogtown
Neighborhood Association opposed, in part, because they wanted their own appointees. This was a classic DFL intraparty fight over
political patronage.
After
the Planning Commission vote Saint Paul City Council held a hearing, affirming
the Planning Commission vote, of which Carter then vetoed it claiming the city
needs housing of lots of different kinds.
Similar statements were voiced by the three council members who voted in
favor of the Alatus housing. Coincidentally
the three members came from golden triangle of the city bordered south by I-94
and east by I-35. This is the most
affluent and white area of Saint Paul. There is no
debate Saint Paul needs more housing, and it would be good to develop more
neighborhoods with mixed-income units to break up concentrated poverty. But there is also an acute need to address a housing
shortage and crisis for low to moderate income individuals. The Alatus proposal mostly fails on these
points.
Mayor
Carter has no legal authority to veto the Council action. Years ago, I wrote an article contrasting
what is called quasi-legislative and quasi-legislative hearings in Minnesota
law. In many cases where city councils act,
they are operating in their legislative or quasi-legislative rolls. This is the case when passing bills, raising
taxes, doing a budget. All this, under
state law and in Saint Paul is subject to mayoral veto. But in some cases, city councils are acting
in a quasi-judicial capacity, serving as an appellate body to review decisions from
commissions or other bodies below. If
acting in that capacity, mayors have no veto authority and disagreements with
the council decisions go to the Minnesota Court of Appeals.
The
City Council review of the Saint Paul Planning Commission Alatus project was a
quasi-judicial review. In cases such as Minnesota Center for Environmental Advocacy v.
Metropolitan Council, Handicraft Block Limited Partnership v. City of
Minneapolis, and Interstate
Power Company v. Nobles County Board of Commissioners, the Minnesota
Supreme Court said that an entity was acting in a quasi-judicial capacity when it engaged
an “(1) investigation into a disputed claim and weighing
of evidentiary facts; (2) application of those facts to a prescribed standard;
and (3) a binding decision regarding the disputed claim.” Even
more specifically, Handicraft Block has declared city council reviews of
decisions by planning commissions to quasi-judicial decisions, which are not
subject to mayoral vetoes.
In fact, council reviews and
decisions on conditional use permits, variances, special use permits, and
historic preservation have all been ruled quasi-judicial by the Minnesota courts. While there is no specific Minnesota decision saying a mayor cannot veto a quasi-judicial decision, the logic is clear. Other states, such as Florida in D.R. Horton, Inc.--Jacksonville v. Peyton, 959 So.2d 390 (2007), have reached a similar
conclusion that mayoral vetoes do not extend to city council’s acting in a
quasi-judicial capacity. No matter how one views
it the logic of current case law is clear—in denying Alatus’ request to build on the Wilder site—the decision
was quasi-judicial and not subject to mayoral veto.
Mayor
Carter’s veto of the council action should have no legal effect if precedent is
accurate. Whether anyone sues on this is
a good question. But the political effect is different. As noted, it does nothing to put breaks on Midway-Rondo
gentrification. Two, in an election
year, it sends signals by the mayor to developers about where his priorities
lie (and perhaps where he wishes to solicit campaign contributions for this and
future election runs).
Finally,
as disclosure, let me make three points.
One, write this blog as someone who previously served as a city director
of planning, zoning, and code enforcement and who also worked as a housing and
economic planner for a community action agency.
Two, in November 2017 after Melvin
Carter was elected, I wrote him a letter from my perspective as a former
planner, advising him among things that: “Neighborhoods need to be diversified.
Concentrated poverty neighborhoods are no good for anyone. There needs to be a mix of people, incomes,
and structures in every neighborhood… Make neighborhoods attractive for all to
live and invest it. Deconcentrating
poverty is one step in making neighborhoods more opportunity based. Thus, both place-based and mobility
strategies are needed.”
Three, in January 2020, I
applied for a vacant position on the Saint Paul Planning Commission with the
endorsement of both Councilmembers Jane Prince and Rebecca Noecker. Despite emails from my council member and me,
the mayor’s office largely ignored my application. Given the mayor’s veto, I largely see why.